In order to activate the extramural independent scientist R00 phase, individuals must have been offered and accepted a tenure-track, full-time assistant professor position or equivalent at an eligible institution with appropriate infrastructure to support the proposed research program and a history of external research funding. The application for the extramural independent scientist R00 phase of the award must be submitted no later than 2 months prior to the proposed activation date of the R00 award by the R00 phase grantee organization. However, to avoid potential problems in activation, applicants are strongly encouraged to contact NIH program officials as soon as plans to assume an independent position develop, and not later than 6 months prior to the termination of the K99 phase of the award to discuss plans for transition to, and the application for, the R00 phase. How is the month matriculation window calculated for dual-degree predoctoral fellowship F30 applicants?
Download While there are a handful of studies that challenge the link between school desegregation policy and positive academic outcomes, they represent only a small slice of the literature. Furthermore, these positive academic outcomes, particularly the closing of the achievement gap, make sense given that integrating schools leads to more equitable access to important resources such as structural facilities, highly qualified teachers, challenging courses, private and public funding, and social and cultural capital.
The gap in SAT scores between black and white students is larger in segregated districts, and one study showed that change from complete segregation to complete integration in a district would reduce as much as one quarter of the SAT score disparity.
This can be largely connected to an overall improved school climate in racially integrated schools. There has been no distinction drawn as to how different student outcomes were related to the various ways in which students experienced desegregation in their schools and communities.
Thus, the degree to which all students were treated equally or had teachers with high expectations for them was not a factor, despite the impact of such factors on student achievement data. Further, this early literature failed to calculate the prevalence of segregation within individual schools via tracking, or the extent to which black and white students were exposed to the same curriculum.
A growing body of research suggests that the benefits of K—12 school diversity indeed flow in all directions—to white and middle-class students as well as to minority and low-income pupils.
For instance, we know that diverse classrooms, in which students learn cooperatively alongside those whose perspectives and backgrounds are different from their own, are beneficial to all students, including middle-class white students, because they promote creativity, motivation, deeper learning, critical thinking, and problem-solving skills.
It allows for positive academic outcomes for all students exposed to these diverse viewpoints. For instance, evidence on how the persistence of implicit bias toward members of minority racial groups can interfere with the educational process by disrupting cognitive functioning for members of both the majority and minority could certainly apply to elementary and secondary students as well.
In short, the better overall learning outcomes that take place in diverse classrooms—for example, critical thinking, perspective-taking—would no doubt apply in high schools as well.
It showed that while racial segregation and isolation can perpetuate racial fear, prejudice, and stereotypes, intergroup contact and critical cross-racial dialogue can help to ameliorate these problems.
Still, as with the higher education research, we need to more fully explore not only the what of K—12 school diversity, but also the how—how do elementary and secondary school educators create classrooms that facilitate the development of these educational benefits of diversity for all students?
To answer this critical question, we need to look at yet another body of K—12 research from the desegregation era and beyond. How Public Schools Can Help Foster the Educational Benefit of Diversity Perhaps the ultimate irony of the current lack of focus on the educational benefits of diversity within racially and ethnically diverse public schools is that prior to the rise of the accountability movement in K—12 education, there had been an intentional focus on multicultural education that explored curricular improvements and teaching issues within racially diverse schools.
They raised important issues about how school desegregation policies should be implemented to create successful desegregated schools.
This research was also methodologically distinct—consisting mainly of qualitative, in-depth case studies that focused on the process of school desegregation and the context in which it unfolded. Public schools, therefore, are the natural setting in which such contact can occur.
Few other institutions have the potential to bring students together across racial, ethnic, and social class lines to facilitate active learning to reduce prejudice.
They tend to be inconclusivebecause they imply a relationship between the particular conditions established within racially mixed schools and the ways in which children come to see themselves vis-a-vis students of other racial groups.
Tracking and ability grouping in desegregated schools often perpetuated within-school segregation across race and class lines. Again, identified as second-generation desegregation issues, this was starting to be addressed in schools across the country and drawing more attention from researchers by the s and early s.
That came from yet another body of related work in the area of multicultural education. Multicultural Education and Culturally Relevant Pedagogy: Critical work on the democratic goals of education echoes not only the concept of multicultural education, but also issues of democracy and pedagogy on racially diverse college campuses.
Research documents positive academic outcomes for students exposed to these diverse viewpoints. While CRP does focus on the importance of culture in schooling, it always focuses directly on race, in part, perhaps, because it is so often adapted in all-black, one-race schools and classrooms.
Another critique of CRP is that its more recent application is far from what was theorized early at its inception. In fact, some scholars have advocated for different pedagogical models since the inception of CRP that seek to address social and cultural factors in classrooms.
Many of these models focus on the home-to-school connection as CRP does, while others expand on the application of even earlier concepts of critical pedagogy aimed at promoting concepts such as civic consciousness and identity formation.
The next step in utilizing these more culturally based understandings of schools and curricula is to apply this thinking to diverse schools and classrooms more specifically.
Educators in schools across the country—some isolated in single classrooms and some working on a school-wide set of pedagogical reforms—are starting to grapple with these issues in racially and ethnically diverse classrooms. But as we highlight in Figure 1, there are several reasons why issues related to the educational benefits of diversity appear to have fallen off the K—12 research radar screen in the last twenty-five years.
This includes, most notably, a highly fragmented and segregated K—12 educational system of entrenched between-district segregation that cannot be easily addressed after Milliken v.
Meanwhile, this fragmented and segregated educational system is governed by accountability and legal mandates that give no credence to the educational benefits of learning in diverse contexts.
As noted above, several areas of research on the sociocultural issues related to teaching students of different racial and ethnic backgrounds that could help inform our understanding of the pedagogical approaches that foster educational benefits of diversity in the K—12 system are disconnected, often designed to address the needs of students in the racially segregated school system they attend.
In this section, we highlight the demographic, educational, and political forces that we think may have the potential to shift the system in that direction.
Even more notably, this transition is happening much more quickly amid our younger population. Rapid growth in the Hispanic and Asian populations, coupled with a black population that has remained constant and a decline in the percentage of whites, has led to a total K—12 enrollment of 49 percent white, 26 percent Hispanic, 15 percent black; and 5 percent Asian for the —15 school year.
Download Coinciding with the changing racial makeup of the country and our public schools is a profound shift in who lives where. In many contexts, our post-World War II paradigm of all-white suburbs and cities as the places where blacks and Hispanics live has been turned on its head.
Black suburbanization rates were even lower—about 12—15 percent—in the Northeast.Professional Social Workers in Child Welfare Work: Research Addressing the Recruitment and Retention Dilemma.
Background; Recruitment and . A guide to resources: understanding validity in education research. For educators to make sound decisions about education practices and policies, we must seek to better understand the foundations of teaching and learning which guide our profession. Welcome Message.
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